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Roula Khalaf, editor of the FT, selects her favorite stories in this weekly newsletter.
On departure, the departure of RAV Athwal, the former finance officer who wrote the Manifesto of Labor 2024, there were speeches from various cabinet ministers, but it was Ed Miliband who stole the show. He praised Athwal for his role to do something that very few people have ever done – a manifesto that ends in a work victory. The authors of the Labor Manifestos’ profit – be it Michael “The rise of meritocracy” young or, like Miliband, reminded his audience, his own brother David – make great things. But they are rare. As Miliband said, he should know: He wrote a manifesto for Gordon Brown in 2010 and was the front man for another in 2015.
Miliband is not shy to make jokes at his own expense or to take the time for small gestures of kindness, which helps to explain why, despite his role in two defeats Keir, he is the most influential cabinet minister. (The other reason that is less flattering for everyone is that he has an overly rare goods around the cabinet table: a serious grip on what he wants to do with his department and a strong feeling for how to do this.)
A driver of the desolate and mutinous mood in and around the Labor government is that almost everyone has a year in the time of the party that the Manifesto Labor 2029, not athwal, ends. The MPs complain that the downing street operation has succeeded in being obsessed with excessive election in four years (at the expense of concentration on politics in the here and now) and at the same time losing on the way. Like a MP puts it: “We have a war period … but we lose war.”
Although a large part of the government government’s political agenda is far from Blairit, Labor recorded a landslide a year ago because they rediscovered some of Tony Blair’s old truths, last but not least, the value of his first advice for defeated parties: “Start with an honest analysis why you resist why you resist.”
In this regard, the rigor and his chief of staff, Morgan McSweeney, showed an impeccable theory for the failure of workers: the party became too radical, unpatriotic and obliged to play quickly and easily with people’s money. As a result, Starer’s work loudly included restrictions on what she would do for taxes, and rarely appeared, if at all, everywhere, without a Union Jack to serve as a background.
However, elections are not only referenders on the alternative to the incumbent, although in the 2010s it certainly helped the conservatives that the work alternative has been unattractive in the past decades and a half. They are also defined by what the government of the day did. While Labor Under SFormer developed a good theory of why they contradict each other, they never really decided with the basis why the conservatives remained in office.
This lack of interest in the real political meat is part of why the government is now struggling. The party might have made more focus on asking if it is really a good idea to prevent so many self -contamination?
At a recent meeting in Downing Street, Liz Lloyd, the government’s new political chief, scandalized, some participants by asking about the party’s wealth taxes and their effects on their growth mission.
This was considered heretical because it implied a certain skepticism compared to the party’s approach during the campaign. The idea that Rishi Sunak is briefly brought into a staunch with a promise could not be a good compromise for reduced tax revenue and the attractiveness of the UK as a goal for working and investing could not penetrate.
Similarly, the government pursues politics for immigration that restrict growth and continue to put pressure on the country’s sick social providers.
And one reason why it no longer occurred last week due to changes in well -being is that it visibly had no political justification for them – a absence that, through the fact that the MPs who were already feared for their seats in the next elections, had worsened, less incentive to meet the proposals.
Labor’s first year of office went so badly because the party never developed a theory for the office instead of only acquiring it. Time expires so that they develop early enough to use this page of the next election.
If this is not the case, the author of your next manifesto should now cultivate his own line for self -ironic jokes.
